In other words, China is in the community of nations but is in many ways not really part of the community; it is formally involved, but it is not normatively integrated. It is a member of most international organizations, but is not very active in many aside from when it seeks to assiduously protect its narrow national interests.
I also judge its diplomacy to be hesitant, risk-averse, and narrowly self-interested. China often makes known what it is against, but rarely what it is for. It often stands aside or remains passive in addressing international security challenges or global governance issues. I also find that China possesses little soft power, if any, and is not a model for other nations to emulate.
For these and other reasons, elaborated in subsequent chapters, I have subtitled the book the partial power. But perceptions sometimes belie reality. Whether China will become a global power or not, or is already one, it is already perceived as such by many around the world.
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Despite these attributes, this book argues and demonstrates that China lacks real global power. I argue that China is a global actor without yet being a true global power — the distinction being that true powers influence other nations and events. Merely having a global presence does not equal having global power unless a nation influences events in a particular region or realm. Shaping the desired outcome of a situation is the essence of influence and exercise of power. The essence of power, Nye argues, lies in the conversion of resources into influence, which is the exercise of power. Adopting these definitions of power offered by Professor Nye, this study shows that only in some sectors does China actually exercise global influence: global trade patterns, global energy and commodity markets, the global tourism industry, global sales of luxury goods, global real estate purchases, and cyber hacking.
For a discussion of three possible roles of China in emerging world order, see Randall L. Thomas L. From a diplomatic perspective, China may not like to be called a free rider. But from an analytical perspective, free riding could describe any great power. See Andrew B. John J.
China and the Balance of Power
Ethan B. All translations are mine. Thomas J. See Thomas J.
Norton, , 3—8. William I. Hitchcock, Melvyn P. Leffler, and Jeffrey W. Legro, eds. Andrei P. Very little literature actually catches the complexity in the international relations system.
Yong Deng, China’s Struggle for Status—The Realignment of International Relations
For an effort to deal with the complex great power system, see Bear F. Richard Rosecrance and Arthur A. For instance, on the basis of social identity theory, any country, but especially great powers, has a natural tendency to project a positive and distinctive image and status on the world stage. For a comprehensive review of power transition theory, see Jonathan M. DiCicco and Jack S.
- China's Struggle for Status: The Realignment of International Relations.
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- Yong Deng, China’s Struggle for Status—The Realignment of International Relations!
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This book profiles China's remarkable rise in great power politics following its post-Cold War crisis. About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it. See our disclaimer.
At the end of the Cold War the People's Republic of China found itself in an international crisis, facing severe problems in both domestic politics and foreign policy.